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GUILTY PLEASURES PDF

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y of n.” Kayla. Ricci sex secrets of the kam a sutra. & other. Eastern pleasures kama sutra sex Sex Secr Sex Secrets of the Kama Sutra & Other Eastern. Hamilton, Laurell K - Anita Blake 01 - Guilty Pleasures. Home · Hamilton, Laurell K - Anita Laurell K. Hamilton - Anita Blake 01 - Guilty Pleasures. Read more. Guilty Pleasures by. Laurell K. Hamilton. Book 1 of the Anita Blake Vampire Hunter Series. Chapter 1. Willie McCoy had been a jerk before he died. His being .

Bronsteen, Buccafusco and Masur BBM provide a well-written, thought-provoking, rigorous introduction to hedonic psychology and its many potential applications in law and policy. Numerous lessons are already ripe for consumption by policymakers. Other ideas set the stage for a fruitful research agenda that will influence policy in years to come. It is intimately linked to utilitarianism and to welfarism. The importance, to policy, of measuring happiness and of hedonic psychology more generally seem beyond question.

Similarly, we adapt to having more money. These shocks — to our income or to our physical health — affect our utility, or happiness. But then our reference point recalibrates: the high income or poor health becomes the new normal. It makes sense of self-reported SWB levels that are indifferent to income or disability. Or is the methodology missing something important? Kahneman and Deaton see both as components of SWB.

Hamilton, Laurell K - Anita Blake 01 - Guilty Pleasures

To be clear, BBM convinced me that many people and some economists overestimate the impact of money and of disability on their SWB, and that these findings are relevant for policy.

Rather than relying on monetary proxies for well-being usually willingness-to-pay as CBA does, WBA uses direct measures of well-being informed by hedonic psychology.

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A policy that increases the SWB of one person by one unit, as measured on a scale of , for a period of 1 year produces 1 WBU. A policy that increases the average SWB of a million people by one unit, and this benefit is expected to last for 10 years, produces 10 million WBUs. First, regulation generally entails monetary implementation costs. WBA converts implementation costs from dollars to WBUs, by assuming that these costs are distributed across a large number of individuals e. BBM use the average WBU of a living person and multiply it by the average number of years saved by the regulation.

In their discussion of these issues, on p. Third, many regulations generate benefits and costs that are spread over time.

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CBA has struggled with the proper aggregation of temporally disparate benefits and costs. The standard approach is to discount future benefits and costs into the present, but identifying the appropriate discount rate has proven contentious. BBM identify two sets of reasons for discounting: i those related to money — we discount future monetary benefits and costs, because the value of money changes over time; ii those unrelated to money — we discount future benefits and costs, because the future is uncertain or because people prefer to be happy now as compared to being happy later.

The logic works, but is somewhat unsatisfying.

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Beyond Regulation BBM argue, convincingly, that hedonic psychology is relevant to legal policy beyond WBA and the assessment of regulation. They offer two applications: 1 criminal justice, and 2 civil litigation and settlement.

BBM report two main findings: 1 People adapt to prison; 2 Having been in prison, even for a short period, has substantial negative post-release effects. A major implication of both findings is that different lengths of prison sentences achieve less differentiation, in hedonic effect, than we might otherwise believe.

Since such differentiation is important — for both deterrence and retribution — this is a problem.

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These findings are clearly important from a legal policy perspective. But they are not new.

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Does it help quantify these effects? BBM have little to say here. In essence, potential offenders perceive incarceration as more painful than it really is.

Put differently, and with a slightly less positive spin, adaptation reduces the deterrence effect of incarceration, but this reduction is mitigated by the limited anticipation of adaptation. The behavioral economics literature has identified other effects of misperception that are somewhat related.

In particular, it has been noted that deterrence can be increased at a low cost by raising the perceived probability of detection, without taking the much more costly step of increasing the actual probability of detection. Smith eds. Second, BBM note that adaptation reduces the deterrence effects not only of incarceration, but also of monetary sanctions. Specifically, higher fines will result in a smaller deterrence effect than we might otherwise think.

Again, it is interesting to note that a similar result can be derived from a different, non-hedonic behavioral model: Prospect Theory with its convex utility function in the loss frame also implies reduced marginal deterrence from increased fines.

This suggests that long delays before trial can be good for settlement. From a policy perspective, the counterintuitive implication is that investing resources in reducing backlog and minimizing delay before trial can be harmful — it can reduce the likelihood of settlement and increase the number of costly trials.

BBM make another basic, yet important point, about the relevance of hedonic psychology to civil litigation although this point is made in Ch. They argue convincingly that when a court determines damages, e. How can we measure happiness and the effect of different events, and policies, on happiness? The basic answer is: self-reporting — we ask people how they feel at different moments during their day, or during their life. BBM acknowledge that the self-reporting methodology is not without problems but argue, persuasively, that the science of happiness has evolved to a stage where the data produced is reliable.

In technical terms, the different measures of happiness, or Subjective Well Being SWB , have been scientifically validated. In essence, this means that the measures produce logical results: people report being happier when good things happen and less happy when bad things happen. The idea is to validate the instrument with these common sense understandings of what makes people happy, and then rely on the instrument even when it produces results that might initially seem counter-intuitive.

Another use of the validated instrument is in quantifying the common sense understandings. More on this below. So what are the main counter-intuitive results?

First, money matters much less than people think. Second, disability, e. These results are striking.

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Do we believe them? On the irrelevance of money, BBM reject the economist dogma that people spend money in ways that make them happy pp. I am an economist, and so I am probably a victim of this dogma. But they also buy things that do make them happy, right? It could allow you to pay for piano lessons for your child. It might enable you to dine out once a week or treat yourself, and your family, to an occasional movie or to the opera.

Are these irrelevant to happiness? And what about disability? BBM cite evidence that people with limb deficiencies, spinal cord injuries, burns and other disabilities report levels of well-being similar to those of healthy controls. How can this be? Similarly, we adapt to having more money. These shocks — to our income or to our physical health — affect our utility, or happiness.

But then our reference point recalibrates: the high income or poor health becomes the new normal.

Pleasures pdf guilty

It makes sense of self-reported SWB levels that are indifferent to income or disability. Or is the methodology missing something important? Kahneman and Deaton see both as components of SWB. To be clear, BBM convinced me that many people and some economists overestimate the impact of money and of disability on their SWB, and that these findings are relevant for policy. Rather than relying on monetary proxies for well-being usually willingness-to-pay as CBA does, WBA uses direct measures of well-being informed by hedonic psychology.

A policy that increases the SWB of one person by one unit, as measured on a scale of , for a period of 1 year produces 1 WBU. A policy that increases the average SWB of a million people by one unit, and this benefit is expected to last for 10 years, produces 10 million WBUs. First, regulation generally entails monetary implementation costs.

WBA converts implementation costs from dollars to WBUs, by assuming that these costs are distributed across a large number of individuals e. BBM use the average WBU of a living person and multiply it by the average number of years saved by the regulation.

In their discussion of these issues, on p. Third, many regulations generate benefits and costs that are spread over time. CBA has struggled with the proper aggregation of temporally disparate benefits and costs.

The standard approach is to discount future benefits and costs into the present, but identifying the appropriate discount rate has proven contentious.

BBM identify two sets of reasons for discounting: i those related to money — we discount future monetary benefits and costs, because the value of money changes over time; ii those unrelated to money — we discount future benefits and costs, because the future is uncertain or because people prefer to be happy now as compared to being happy later.